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The Galway's Estate Papers consists of approximately 45 letters, 104 documents, and a handful of letter covers and wrappers produced between 1782 and 1835, relating to the sugar plantation in Montserrat that was owned by James Neave and his descendants. The collection documents the financial affairs of the plantation, absentee management operations from England, sugar production and trade, and tracking the labor of the approximately 150-160 enslaved workers.

The Galway's Estate Papers consists of approximately 45 letters, 104 documents, and a handful of letter covers and wrappers produced between 1782 and 1835, relating to the sugar plantation in Montserrat that was owned by James Neave and his descendants. The collection documents the financial affairs of the plantation, absentee management operations from England, sugar production and trade, and tracking the labor of the approximately 150-160 enslaved workers.

The bulk of the Correspondence Series consists of letters written from Montserrat to James Neave in Nunton, England, and after Neave's death from various correspondents in England to John Thomas Batt, his son-in-law. Much of the correspondence relates to the management of the plantation with details on weather, crops, fertilization efforts, managing livestock, work on buildings and infrastructure, notes on provisions, sugar sales, and other plantation and financial affairs. Many of the letters were written by two attorneys hired by James Neave in Montserrat, Alexander Hood and Richard McNamera. John Willett, another Englishman who spent time living in Montserrat, wrote to Neave applauding his choice to have two attorneys helping to oversee his estate, noting "every man here is for himself & they would take the Teeth out of your head if they could" (May 30, 1793). In addition to relying on attorneys and managers in Montserrat, both Neave and Batt employed merchant firms to help manage shipments and sales of sugar.

Other letters provide insight into Montserrat's social world, such as advice to send the manager of the plantation, Daniel Allers, a better fowling piece and saddle as "these little articles have more effect in that Country than you can conceive and you will be sure to be repaid by their assiduity on acco[un]t of such attention" (September 20, 1794). Advisement to provide Allers with annual gifts and salary raises continued following the passage of the estate to John Thomas Batt (March 1795). A copy of a letter from Thomas Cannonier, another manager of Galway's Estate, disputed his removal from the position and having the position given "to a Mulatto Man of the name of Jack Skerrett . . . my living depends upon my character, and when a Business is taken from a Young Man in this way, it casts a blot upon him" (May 17, 1804).

The letters track difficulties encountered on the plantation, such as drought, crop failures, damage by pests like sugarcane borer and rats, as well as challenges with attempts to produce coffee and secure transport of sugar crops. Mentions of enslaved workers include commentary on "Incurables" and their cost to the estate (January 15, 1791), enslaved people's refusal to accept spoiled provisions (July 21, 1790; March 20, 1793), and the "excitement prevailing generally among the negroes on the subject of emancipation" that were impacting decisions to ship clothing (October 30, 1833).

Several letters reference international concerns, including matters relating to the War of the First Coalition. Writers noted fear of conflict with France and Spain (July 12, 1790), Charles Grey's capture of Martinique (March 3, 1794), the presence of Admiral Gardner in the region (May 30, 1793), the impact of captured ships and fears of war with America (July 26, 1794), the presence of the French near Guadeloupe (September 20, 1794), and captured stores (July 3, 1804). Other letters commented on the island resident's sense of isolation and their excitement over receiving European newspapers and magazines (January 15, 1791; October 13, 1791; July 21, 1793).

The later letters in the collection date from the 1820s and 1830s and reference efforts to transfer management of Galway's Estate to the firm of Manning & Anderson and their subsequent communications on the plantation.

The Documents Series includes documentation of sugar sales, receipts, annual plantation accounts, enumerated lists of enslaved workers and livestock, among other items. Several accounts list the entirety of the enslaved population on Galway's Estate by first name, occasionally providing valuations, indication of where individuals labored, who was superannuated, and numbers of deaths and births. In a few instances disabilities or accommodations are suggested (e.g. blind, "wh. one leg," "does not work being the Mother of Nine Children").

Twenty two partially printed weekly accounts of the plantation were filled out by the plantation manager Daniel Allers between July 3, 1796, and October 14, 1797. They list out the numbers of enslaved workers, their distribution doing various tasks, the numbers who were sick, as well as accounts of livestock, weather, shipments, and other occurrences. Allers noted any additional days "given" to the enslaved workers to "work their Grounds" or "plant provisions." He also generally described the agricultural tasks being accomplished, such as weeding or holing, and recorded deaths of enslaved people and livestock. On August 9, 1796, Allers noted the death of a boy "from no other complaint but by eating dirt," and in August and September 1797 he noted that five were sick from "Sores & Yaws."

Other invoices list "sundry stores" shipped to or needed in Montserrat, including provisions, tools, seeds, cloth, and other goods, while other annual accounts list out general expenses incurred at the plantation, including work on outbuildings, "Madeira Wine used for sick Negroes when in small pox" (April 1, 1793), inoculations, salary and wages, taxes, and more. Additional financial documents include annual accounts for the disposal of the plantation's sugar, providing a broad overview of the income generated by the plantation. Several documents relating to handling the administration of James Neave's estate following his death are also present, as well as a draft of a lease from 1829 and a list of "Usual Clauses of a West India Lease."

The Garret Abeel papers are made up of the correspondence and business papers of New York City iron merchant Garret Byvanck Abeel and the firms G. B. & J. Abeel and Abeel & Dunscomb.

The Garret Abeel papers are made up of the correspondence and business papers of New York City iron merchant Garret Byvanck Abeel and the firms G. B. & J. Abeel and Abeel & Dunscomb.

The correspondence exclusively pertains to business matters, such as prices and price comparisons, plans for picking up or shipping merchandise, settling of accounts, and other issues regarding sales and purchases. The business papers consist of orders, invoices, shipment notifications, receipts, accounts, and other commercial documents. The Abeel papers mention many items handled by the company, including bars, bands, hoops, rods, anchor parts, nails and spikes, knives, wagon tires, and many other iron goods.

This collection is made up of correspondence, letter books, and transcriptions by rare book dealer and bibliographer Henry Stevens. The material primarily concerns his work obtaining books for prominent private collectors and libraries in the United States in the mid-19th century.

This collection is made up of correspondence, letter books, and transcriptions by rare book dealer and bibliographer Henry Stevens and his company. The material primarily concerns his work obtaining books for prominent private collectors and libraries in the United States in the mid-19th century.

The Correspondence and Documents series primarily consists of incoming letters to Henry Stevens about his book business. The correspondence concerns book catalogues, purchases, exhibitions, and other professional matters. Letters and documents from prominent individuals include materials from John Carter Brown (71 items), Obadiah Rich (26 items), and others. A small group of personal letters between members of the Stevens family, notes and drafts by Henry Stevens, and financial documents are also present. See the contributor list below for a partial list of letter-writers.

Seven items in this series pertain to Stevens's American Historical Nuggets, including manuscript and printed mock-ups of the title page and first page of the introduction. The papers also contain a manuscript of "Who Spoils our new English Books."

A group of 16 Letter and Account Books comprises the bulk of the collection. The volumes primarily contain outgoing business correspondence of Henry Stevens, related to his work as a bookseller and bibliographer in London, England. Recipients included John Carter Brown, Samuel Drake, William Deane, Charles B. Norton, and members of the Stevens family. The volumes also contain financial records.

• A. Asher & Co.
• American Antiquarian Society
• American Europe Express Company
• Amherst College Library
• Astor Library
• Bodleian Library
• British Museum.
• Edinburgh University Library
• Fry, Francis
• Harvard College Library
• Irving & Willey
• Lawrence, Abbott.
• Lenox, James.
• Mercantile Library Association of the City of New-York
• New York State Library
• Pennsylvania State Library
• Smithsonian Institution
• United States Patent Office
• University of Vermont Library
• Vermont State Library
• Virginia State Library
• Yale College Library

The Henry Stevens Transcriptions and Notes series contains five transcriptions that Henry Stevens (1819-1886) made in the mid-19th century. The documents concern the years prior to the American Revolution, the New Hampshire Grants, Arthur St. Clair's defeat, and the Sullivan Rail Road.

• "Dr. Stiles' Account of the False Alarm in 1774" (By Ezra Stiles)
• "Observations on the Right of Jurisdiction Claimed by the States of New York and New Hampshire, over the New Hampshire Grants (So Called) Lying on Both Sides of Connecticut River, in a Letter to the Inhabitants of those Grants" (Originally printed by E. Russel in Danvers, Massachusetts, 1778)
• "A Public Defence of the Right of the New Hampshire Grants (So Called)..." (Originally printed by Alden Spooner, 1779)
• "Lieut. Michl. McDonoughs Letter to His Brother. Dated at Fort Washington, Nov. 10, 1791"
• "A Sermon Preached at Charlestown, N. H., on the First Sunday after the Opening of the Sullivan Rail Road, by J. Crosby" (By Jaazaniah Crosby, ca. 1849)

The Hubert S. Smith Naval Letters and Documents collection is made up of individual manuscripts relating to naval and commercial maritime operations.

The Hubert S. Smith Naval Letters and Documents collection is made up of over 380 manuscript letters and documents relating to maritime military, commercial, financial, and legal subjects from the 15th to the 20th centuries, primarily concerning Great Britain and America. The collection includes materials relating to Continental European wars, the American Revolution, the African slave trade, the Civil War, and exploratory ventures. The collection also reflects day-to-day ship operations and naval employment, diplomacy, marine technology, the purchase and sale of ships, insurance, and publications and books relating to maritime affairs. While primarily focused on English and American navies, the contributors discuss a wide variety of places, including continental Europe, the Baltic region, Russia, Asia, Turkey, South America, and Africa.

Lindley Fisher of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, received 59 business letters and invoices concerning the Duncannon Iron Works between 1846 and 1851. His most frequent correspondents included his brother, Charles William Fisher; his father, William Logan Fisher; and his nephew, John Wister. Fisher also received business invoices from Joseph S. Simpson.

Lindley Fisher of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, received 35 business letters and invoices concerning the Duncannon Iron Works between 1846 and 1851. Fisher's father, brother, and nephew worked at the factory and provided information related to its finances and to the production of nails, spikes, and bar iron. Charles William Fisher, Lindley's brother, wrote the bulk of the letters between 1846 and 1849, concentrating on the foundry's financial affairs, business relationships, and production figures. Lindley received similar letters from his father and nephew, who discussed some of the day-to-day aspects of running the iron works as well as its larger financial concerns.

The correspondence includes content on labor and labor-management relations, particularly in a letter from C. W. Fisher, dated May 11, 1848. In it, he reacts to the receipt of wage demands from a delegation of organized puddlers. He expressed confusion as to how to respond, noting that to concede to their demands would be "to cover ourselves with disgrace & to acknowledge our weakness." He wrote "I am sorry we attempted the reduction By holding out for a month or two we can conquer them, but this would be destruction - what is to be done? . . . I would almost as willingly fail as yield. Is there no escape - I thought today that I should be able to effect the reduction or find a way of getting out with honour, but I see nothing before me but the most ignominious submission - we shall make ourselves the subject of derision in the neighbourhood & we shall feel the effects of it for a long time to come - If we yield to the Puddlers we must give up the reduction throughout - Oh how I wish for a little independence This is the worst sort of slavery..."

In the spring of 1849, Lindley's correspondents mentioned efforts to establish a new nail-producing facility and discussed some of their business strategies, such as the possibility of offering stock. In his letter of April 2, 1851, William Logan Fisher mentioned the potential purchase of a steam engine, though he feared that the factory's debts might lead to future difficulties. In addition to his family's letters, Lindley Fisher received 3 invoices signed by Joseph S. Simpson, primarily respecting the shipment of nails produced at the Duncannon Iron Works between April and July 1849.

The Vernon collection is made up of business correspondence and financial records pertaining to Samuel and William Vernon. The majority of the material concerns merchant shipping between Newport, Rhode Island, and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, as well as Europe and the West Indies in the mid- to late 1700s.

The Vernon collection is made up of business correspondence and financial records pertaining to the shipping business of Samuel and William Vernon of Newport, Rhode Island. Correspondents wrote from American cities like Boston, Philadelphia, and Providence, as well as European cities like London, Cowes, Bristol, Liverpool, Amsterdam, Bordeaux, and Gottenburg. Several letters from Samuel William, Junior, and other trade partners originated from the West Indies, including St. Eustatia, Lucea, and Montego Bay. The bulk of the correspondence to the Vernon brothers relates to their financial affairs and about shipments and prices of goods. The collection also contains receipts, accounts, invoices, documents, and bills of lading pertaining to the Vernons' business engagements. Material concerns shipments of rum, sugar, and molasses; wood, staves, and shingles; miscellaneous goods like spermacetti oil and candles; and foodstuffs such as flour, rice, cheese, cocoa and chocolate, tea, wine, pickled and salted fish, and pork. Insurance matters are occasionally discussed, including documentation of damaged cargo, and at least two items pertain to salvage efforts (December 8, 1746, and December 29, 1791). Some items are signed by or otherwise concern Josiah Hewes, who worked with the Vernon brothers.

The Vernon family was engaged in mercantile pursuits between North America and the West Indies. The charter between John Evans of Freeport, Massachusetts, and Samuel and William Vernon for the use of his sloop for a voyage to Jamaica, dated January 17, 1774, is present. Other letters comment on West Indian markets (December 12, 1767), or mishaps, such as difficulties with rotting rum barrels (September 19, 1770). Several letters were authored by Samuel Vernon, Jr., detailing his pursuits while in Jamaica in the 1770s.

Several items in the collection directly relate to the Vernon family's involvement in the triangular slave trade. For example, a letter between Thomas and Samuel Vernon dated December 8, 1746, includes a postscript about the sale of two enslaved people, and one unsigned letter makes mention of average sale prices expected to be acquired "per head" (August 5, 1763). A London correspondent referenced insuring the Sloop Rainbow for its voyage from Newport, Rhode Island, to the "Coast of Africa & during her stay & Trade there to Jamaica with Liberty to touch at the Windward Islands" (June 18, 1752). A one-page bill of lading for the Sloop Hare, captained by Caleb Godfrey relates to its voyage from Newport to Africa and lists out its cargo (November 8, 1755). A 2-page draft by the Vernons to Alex. Home and Robert French, requesting assistance in sorting out an error in the sale of enslaved persons through an unwanted dealer and the lack of payment; with content on the Brig Royal Charlotte, owned by Aaron Lopez (August 24, 1768). A Boston correspondent, Sam Brown, wrote in detail about plans to secure a voyage to Mozambique and the Isle of France, noting the need to allow the master of the ship leeway to manage as he saw fit, "as it is highly probably many unforeseen circumstances would turn up of which he might not be able to make any advantage if he should be too strictly confined by orders" (September 21, 1794). He later acknowledged he had received word from a sailor of the vessel's arrival "from Mozambique with Slaves" (March 25, 1795) and that the captain had communicated that "there was neither Rum nor Dry Goods upon the Coast" of Africa (June 4, 1795).

Some items are more suggestive of participation in the slave trade, such as the March 22, 1797, letter by Cyprian Sterry hoping to delay his payment on a note until one of his ships from Havannah arrived "with a property upwards of 60,000 Dollars," a large sum that might indicate trade in enslaved people. Sterry later went on to implore Vernon to delay calling in his debt, as the harsh impact on his credit would be "perticulerly Gratifying to some of the Directers... I mean those of them that belong to the Abolition Society" (March 27, 1797). An undated invoice of "sundries" appears to list out numbers of days worked by about a dozen individuals, including one specifically noted as "Mr. Wait's Negro," but other names reflect names seen in enslaved populations like Ackraw (i.e. Accra), Cesar, and Gash, potentially indicating enslaved or formerly enslaved laborers. An oversized undated financial account for the "Cost & outfitt of the Briggt. Renard & her Cargo" shows that the Vernons held shares in the voyage alongside Peter Dordin, a known slave trader. Further research is needed to determine if this voyage was part of a slaving venture.

Some content reflects mercantile pursuits undertaken during times of war. A letter written May 31, 1744, during King George's War, notes that the Vernons "have not bought one article of war like stories" due to their rarity and high price. Another from the same year, from William Molineux, regards the transportation of goods (via land or water), remarking that he will send goods as soon as the embargo is lifted (February 18, 1744). In that letter, Molineaux indicated that he could not supply a grind stone, brimstone, West India Pilots, hour glasses, and three other items. A correspondent from London commented on possibilities of the bay being cut off and the "uncertain markets for American produce" (June 18, 1752), and another correspondent from Spain mentioned the resumption of trade after the end of the French and Indian War (April 18, 1763). Suggestive of revolutionary-era financial tensions in the British Atlantic, Samuel Vernon, Jr., while working in Jamaica lamented how "Merchants at home have had several meetings to regulate the freights... which the planters are highly exasperated at, and are determined not to comply with, esteeming it a tax upon their Goods... without consulting them" (April 7, 1773). A letter written by French merchants directed to William Vernon at the War Office in Boston sought his recommendation to his business networks, lauding him as being "universally known all over the Continent of America & yr Influence great, 'tis in your power to be of Vast Service to our house" (December 20, 1778).